検索キーワード： 制作 "Audible Studios" 民主主義

Liberal democracy in America has always contained contradictions—most notably, a noble but abstract commitment to freedom, justice, and equality that, tragically, has seldom been realized in practice. While these contradictions have caused dissent and even violence, there was always an underlying and evolving solidarity drawn from the cultural resources of America’s “hybrid Enlightenment”. James Davison Hunter, who introduced the concept of “culture wars” 30 years ago, tells us in this new book that those historic sources of national solidarity have now largely dissolved.

In this eloquent challenge to the reigning wisdom on globalization, Dani Rodrik reminds us of the importance of the nation-state, arguing forcefully that when the social arrangements of democracies inevitably clash with the international demands of globalization, national priorities should take precedence. Combining history with insight, humor with good-natured critique, Rodrik’s case for a customizable globalization supported by a light frame of international rules shows the way to a balanced prosperity as we confront today’s global challenges in trade, finance, and labor markets.

In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American institutions were in decay, as the state was progressively captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to “the people”, who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.

Trump, la Brexit, i risultati delle elezioni in molti paesi europei, la Turchia di Erdogan, l'India di Modi: prendono forza a livello globale tendenze che paiono sancire il divorzio fra la democrazia e i principi liberali che l'hanno innervata, soprattutto in Occidente. Eppure viviamo in un mondo che non vede affatto, come si crede, un peggioramento socioeconomico o un aumento delle diseguaglianze.

Una persona, un voto: la democrazia si basa su una promessa di uguaglianza che troppo spesso si infrange sul muro del denaro. Finanziamento delle campagne elettorali, donazioni ai partiti politici, controllo dei media: da decenni la vita democratica è prigioniera degli interessi privati.

La democrazia italiana è lunatica come un adolescente implume, come una ballerina di flamenco. Da qui la sua cifra distintiva: gli sbalzi d'umore, l'incoerenza, le scelte capricciose. E un'onda emotiva perennemente inquieta, che sommerge la ragione. I nostri governanti - non tutti, si capisce - non conoscono il passato, non hanno abbastanza fantasia per proiettarsi nel futuro. Sicché girano in tondo, scambiandosi ruoli e competenze come durante una quadriglia, il vecchio ballo popolare.

O termo “lawfare” conquistou o debate público na Europa e na América Latina desde que os advogados Cristiano Zanin Martins e Valeska Teixeira Zanin Martins, em entrevista concedida no 10 de outubro de 2016, dele se valeram para explicar o caso Lula. Seu conceito, porém, tem sido frequentemente confundido com outros tópicos consagrados como a judicialização da política ou o estado de exceção.

Desde la valentía y la reflexión, Rosa Díez convierte "La demolición" en un alegato contra la indiferencia y en una apelación a favor de la resistencia y de la acción en defensa de lo común. Nos da todos los datos que demuestran la gran traición de Pedro Sánchez a la democracia española y sus consecuencias para el futuro de los españoles.

As white supremacy, ultra-nationalism, rabid misogyny, and anti-immigrant fervor coalesce, a new and uniquely American form of fascism looms. Could our current moment actually bring about the end of democracy in the United States? Are Americans willing to surrender their freedom and dignity, along with their ongoing struggle for equality, justice, and mutual respect in the face of the rising tide of political and ideological extremism?

This ambitious and incisive book presents a new vision for American foreign policy and international order at a time of historic upheaval. The United States global leadership crisis is not a passing shock created by the Trump presidency or COVID-19, but the product of forces that will endure for decades. Amidst political polarization, technological transformation, and major global power shifts, Lissner and Rapp-Hooper convincingly argue, only a grand strategy of openness can protect American security and prosperity despite diminished national strength.

Las fake news no son un fenómeno nuevo: los gobiernos, los partidos políticos, los medios de comunicación y las grandes corporaciones - o los monopolios de información equivalentes en cada época - han hecho siempre un uso de ellas. FakeYou expone investigaciones que desmontan los mitos en los que se respalda la ola de legislaciones liberticidas que sufrimos en la actualidad. Este libro se plantea como una herramienta de defensa contra los recortes de las libertades fundamentales y un arma contra las nuevas formas de manipulación, mentira, y falsificación.

The presidency of Donald J. Trump is rather ordinary. Trump himself may be the most unusual, unorthodox and unconventional president the US has ever had. Yet, even with his extraordinary personality and approach to the job, his presidency is proving quite ordinary in its accomplishments and outcomes, both at home and abroad. Like most modern US presidents, the number and scope of Trump’s achievements are rather meager.

R.W Johnson’s best-selling How Long Will South Africa Survive? was hailed by financial writer Alec Hogg as 'a masterpiece in unblemished reality'. Published at the height of the Zuma presidency, it accurately forecast that South Africa’s credit rating would be downgraded to junk status. Johnson warned that this sorry progress might end in an IMF bailout and wholesale change to the political system.

Nel corso dell'esperienza repubblicana, i nove presidenti che si sono succeduti hanno interpretato, ciascuno a modo suo, una carica che studiosi autorevoli hanno giudicato la più ambigua fra quelle previste dalla Carta del 1948: un po' notaio, un po' arbitro, un po' capitano. Certo è che da quasi 25 anni il presidente ha acquistato una centralità alla quale i costituenti non avevano davvero pensato e che è figlia, prima di tutto, delle difficoltà e delle ripetute crisi del sistema politico - centralità che ha ormai inciso sulla stessa forma di governo.

Anche le forme di governo hanno una loro storia, un albero genealogico attraverso cui riconoscere le diverse famiglie e la loro discendenza. Tutto cominciò in Inghilterra, dove tra '600 e '700 prese forma il sistema parlamentare, il modello di tutti i successivi modelli. Poi gli "inglesi" d'America, volendo imitare la loro madrepatria, finirono per inventare un modello alternativo, la forma di governo presidenziale. Molti anni dopo, in Francia, nel corso di una difficile transizione, si affermò un terzo modello, quello semipresidenziale.

The chaotic events leading up to Mitt Romney's defeat in the 2012 election indicated how far the Republican Party had rocketed rightward away from the center of public opinion. Republicans in Congress threatened to shut down the government and force a U.S. debt default. Tea Party activists mounted primary challenges against Republican officeholders who appeared to exhibit too much pragmatism or independence. Moderation and compromise were dirty words in the Republican presidential debates. The GOP, it seemed, had suddenly become a party of ideological purity. Except this development is not new at all.

How scapegoating and hysteria doomed the world's first democracy. From the chaos of a sea-battle to the fury of a lynch mob, from personal bravery to political machinations, The Day Democracy Died tells in vivid detail the tragic story of the Arginusae trials and the fall of Athens: a cautionary tale of democracy's demons which is as relevant in the age of instant news and mass media as in the volatile city-states of ancient Greece.

P.J. O’Rourke began writing funny things in 1960s underground newspapers, became editor-in-chief of National Lampoon, then spent 20 years reporting for Rolling Stone and The Atlantic Monthly as the world’s only trouble spot humorist, going to wars, riots, rebellions, and other "Holidays in Hell” in more than 40 countries.

From award-winning journalist Jack Shenker, The Egyptians is the essential book about Egypt and radical politics. In early 2011 Cairo's Tahrir Square briefly commanded the attention of the world. Half a decade later, the international media has largely moved on from Egypt's explosive cycles of revolution and counter-revolution - but the Arab world's most populous nation remains as volatile as ever, its turmoil intimately bound up with forms of authoritarian power and grassroots resistance that stretch right across the globe.

When the United States government passed the Bill of Rights in 1791, its uncompromising protection of speech and of the press were unlike anything the world had ever seen before. But by 1798, the once-dazzling young republic of the United States was on the verge of collapse. Suddenly, the First Amendment, which protected harsh commentary of the weak government, no longer seemed as practical. So that July, President John Adams and the Federalists in control of Congress passed an extreme piece of legislation that made criticism of the government and its leaders a crime.