検索キーワード： 制作 "Audible Studios" 政党

La crisi economica ha messo a dura prova la sopravvivenza dei governi nella maggior parte delle democrazie avanzate. Essa ha inoltre contribuito all'allontanamento dei cittadini dai processi di rappresentanza, alimentando la delegittimazione dei partiti tradizionali e favorendo la radicalizzazione della competizione politica così come il successo di nuove formazioni prive di un vero progetto politico. Le teorie del voto economico hanno da tempo documentato come i comportamenti elettorali siano influenzati dall'andamento dell'economia.

Gli esperti di politica fanno sempre più fatica a orientarsi in un territorio mobile, di cui è facile smarrire la mappa. Anche perché concentrano l'attenzione sui protagonisti della ribalta politica - i governi, le istituzioni, i partiti - e trascurano il retroscena sociale. In particolare, ignorano quei "microclimi d'opinione" che improntano i mondi locali e i rapporti interpersonali. In questo modo, però, molti fenomeni diventano invisibili e inspiegabili.

"Sin complejos" aborda el análisis de la situación actual desde la experiencia de los casi cuarenta años de vida política en primera fila de Esperanza Aguirre, quien hace un llamamiento a todas las fuerzas de centro derecha a iniciar un periodo de reflexión con vistas a reagruparse. Porque solo una derecha sin complejos, unida, que plante cara a los dogmas de lo políticamente correcto y esté humildemente orgullosa de la Historia de España, puede ofrecer una alternativa ilusionante y atractiva a los españoles.

Desde la valentía y la reflexión, Rosa Díez convierte "La demolición" en un alegato contra la indiferencia y en una apelación a favor de la resistencia y de la acción en defensa de lo común. Nos da todos los datos que demuestran la gran traición de Pedro Sánchez a la democracia española y sus consecuencias para el futuro de los españoles.

O PT se apresentava como um partido que lutava nas ruas e nas portas das fábricas, nas igrejas e nas universidades pregando ética e justiça social. No que ele se transformou após mais de uma década de exercício contínuo de poder? José de Souza Martins, um dos mais importantes cientistas sociais brasileiros, enfrenta essa questão com coragem e objetividade. O audiolivro vai desvendando o PT por meio de passagens que acompanham a trajetória do partido, do início aos dias de hoje. Audiolivro esclarecedor, apaixonado e apaixonante.

In Italia, quasi tutti i giorni muore un partito. In Italia, quasi tutti i giorni nasce un nuovo movimento. È difficile votare due volte di fila lo stesso simbolo, lo stesso schieramento, lo stesso leader. Essere di sinistra, in Italia, è un inferno. Cosa direbbe Freud, vedendo che oggi sono i padri, più o meno nobili, a ribellarsi a figli ingrati e rottamatori? E cosa direbbe Nietzsche di fronte all'eterno ritorno di una storia sempre diversa e sempre uguale a se stessa?

"Il nostro Paese, guidato dal primo governo nazionalpopulista dell'Europa occidentale, egemonizzato culturalmente e politicamente dalla nuova destra, rischia un declino inarrestabile. Rischia di rimanere isolato nell'Unione Europea e diviso al suo interno, impaurito, incattivito e avvitato su se stesso. Impediremo il declino se sapremo cambiare. Riconoscendo senza reticenze gli errori e affrontando le ragioni delle sconfitte. Il primo passo sarà tornare a incontrarci, in tanti, per trovare insieme le soluzioni e costruire un'idea di società giusta."

Shantanu Gupta travels back into the history of the Right-wing movements in India, from their ideological origins to the evolution of their nationalist idea, bringing together a comprehensive study of not just BJP as a political party but of an ideological entity which defines the nationalist movement in the country like never before.

It seeks to explain this perfect storm of money, technology, and partisanship that has created two entirely separate news spheres: a small, enclosed circle for the right wing and a sprawling expanse for everyone else. This leads to two sets of facts, two narratives, and two loudly divergent political sides with extraordinary anger all around. Based on extensive interviews with leading media figures and politicos, this book traces the development of the media machine, giving suggestions on how to restore our national dialogue while defending our right to disagree agreeably.

In an era of stark racial injustice and decisive action, Aaron Dixon dedicated his life to the struggle for change, founding the Seattle chapter of the Black Panther Party in 1968 at age 19. Through his eyes, we see the courage of a generation that stood up to injustice, their political triumphs and tragedies, and the unforgettable legacy of Black Power.

R.W Johnson’s best-selling How Long Will South Africa Survive? was hailed by financial writer Alec Hogg as 'a masterpiece in unblemished reality'. Published at the height of the Zuma presidency, it accurately forecast that South Africa’s credit rating would be downgraded to junk status. Johnson warned that this sorry progress might end in an IMF bailout and wholesale change to the political system.

Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa is credited with driving through the deal between the apartheid government and the African National Congress that was at the heart of South Africa’s democratic constitution. He was the ANC’s lead negotiator and the man who persuaded one of the most recalcitrant racist governments in the world to buy into a settlement based on one of its most enlightened bills of rights. But once the ink had dried on the constitution, Ramaphosa found himself politically sidelined.

The chaotic events leading up to Mitt Romney's defeat in the 2012 election indicated how far the Republican Party had rocketed rightward away from the center of public opinion. Republicans in Congress threatened to shut down the government and force a U.S. debt default. Tea Party activists mounted primary challenges against Republican officeholders who appeared to exhibit too much pragmatism or independence. Moderation and compromise were dirty words in the Republican presidential debates. The GOP, it seemed, had suddenly become a party of ideological purity. Except this development is not new at all.

The size and stability of the American middle class were once the envy of the world. But changes unleashed in the 1960s pitted Americans against one another politically in new and destructive ways. These battles continued to rage from that day to now, while everyone has fallen behind economically except the wealthy. Right-wing culture warriors blamed the decline on the moral shortcomings of "other" Americans - black people, feminists, gays, immigrants, union members - to court a fearful white working- and middle-class base with ever more bitter "us vs. them" politics.

Are Tea Party supporters merely a group of conservative citizens concerned about government spending? Or are they racists who refuse to accept Barack Obama as their president because he's not white? Change They Can't Believe In offers an alternative argument--that the Tea Party is driven by the reemergence of a reactionary movement in American politics that is fueled by a fear that America has changed for the worse.

There was entertainment at the Republican Gala on Sunday night. The climax was a full marching band of bagpipers. They must have been hired for the week since one kept hearing them on the following days, and at all odd times, heard them even in my hotel room at four am for a few were marching in the streets of San Francisco, sounding through the night, giving off the barbaric evocation of the Scots, all valor, wrath, firmitude, and treachery - the wild complete treachery of the Scots finding its way into the sound of the pipes.

One hundred and two years ago Teddy Roosevelt split the Republican Party to advance his progressive agenda. Progressivism, or Big Government Republicanism, became the philosophy of the Republican Party's establishment elite. Fifty years ago conservatives began a battle for control of the party. Now is the time for conservatives to finish the job and take back the Republican Party.

In The Obama Doctrine, Colin Dueck analyzes and explains what the Obama Doctrine in foreign policy actually is and maps out the competing visions on offer from the Republican Party. Dueck, a leading scholar of US foreign policy, contends it is now becoming clear that Obama's policy of international retrenchment is in large part a function of his emphasis on achieving domestic policy goals. There have been some successes in the approach, but there have also been costs.

In 1989, Francis Fukuyama famously announced the "end of history." The Berlin Wall had fallen; liberal democracy had won out. But what of illiberal democracy - the idea that popular majorities, working through the democratic process, might reject gender equality, religious freedoms, and other norms that Western democracies take for granted? Nowhere have such considerations become more relevant than in the Middle East, where the uprisings of 2011 swept the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist groups to power.

In this sweeping look at American politics from the Depression to the present, Doug McAdam and Karina Kloos argue that party politics alone is not responsible for the mess we find ourselves in. Instead, it was the ongoing interaction of social movements and parties that, over time, pushed Democrats and Republicans toward their ideological margins, undermining the post-war consensus in the process.